September 12, 2020 at 7:59 pm (Uncategorized)

I’ll be taking a little hiatus from this blog for the next period. Probably post a few things, but will be quiet for a while.




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Labour Day 2020

September 7, 2020 at 6:19 pm (Uncategorized)

It’s Labour Day today. It’s been a statutory holiday in Canada since 1894, and although it grew out of earlier strikes and struggles, Labour Day itself was the result of lobbying by the labour federations of the day. Today, Labour Day is more associated with the last weekend of the summer cottage, and getting the kids ready for the start of school rather than any kind of struggle. This year, due to Covid, there is only a virtual parade and the kids don’t go back to school for another week. (the Canadian National Exhibition, another Toronto tradition was also cancelled, but that’s another story)

The slogan for this year’s action is “A Just Recovery for all.”  To be honest, it reminds me of the old conservative labour slogan, “A fair day’s wage for a fair day’s work.” And the fact that all of the mainstream political party leaders tweeted words of encouragement, praising the contributions of workers, makes me even more sceptical. (It did make me smile though when failed right-wing politician Maxime Bernier instead tweeted about how the United Nations was trying to impose communism on the world – when you’re alone in a room long enough you can talk yourself into just about anything I suppose)

A few weeks ago, Internationalist Perspective published an article on struggles in the United States with an introduction by IP.  The article dealt with the struggles that arose after the murder of George Floyd, but asks “where next?”: Is it “A fair day’s wage for a fair day’s work” or “The abolition of the wage system” and all the shit that goes with it? A vital question for today


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Music Notes: August 2020

August 31, 2020 at 9:58 pm (Uncategorized)

So what was the song of the summer? 


1  Fontaines DC – A Hero’s Death

Second album from this stunningly good punky post-punk Irish band. Can’t wait for tours to start again (whenever that will be), so I can see them live.

2 Luna – “Marquee Moon”

Cover of the classic Television song. Not fundamentally different from the original, but Dean Wareham’s vocals are a treat.

3 Black Rebel Motorcycle Club – Howl

BMRC’s third album was a marked break from the loud rock ‘n’ roll of the first two albums. Howl  followed an Americana approach incorporating folk, country and gospel influences into their sound. Great car album.

4 Pylon – Box Set

Pylon, the other Athens Georgia band. (REM later covered their song “Crazy.”). This box set won’t be out until November, but it you like you can get about half of it on Bandcamp now. Brilliant band.

5 Iggy Pop – Til Wrong Feels Right 

Came across this collection of Iggy’s lyrics (which includes some lovely pictures) in a remainder store. Worth full price actually

Scott Pilgrim vs. the World

On a whim, I recently rewatched the 2010 adaptation of Bryan Lee O’Malley graphic novel series. It’s a great realization of the book, with a superhero cast (Chris Evans, Brandon Routh, and Brie Larson appear in supporting roles), an amazing soundtrack, but the real star is Toronto the normal.

7 Prodigy – Experience 

Had a listen to the first Prodigy album the other day. I’m sure it would have sounded better in a club (in the car is pretty good though), but the energy still pulls you in.

8 Kathleen Edwards – Total Freedom 

After her 2014 album, Edwards stepped away from music, and opened a coffee shop near Ottawa. It’s good to have her back with this solid album..

9 The Beatles – Rubber Soul

People are often horrified when I say I don’t like the Beatles. Due to a bit of class of ’77 snobbery, it might be more accurate to say while I appreciate the Beatles, I’m not really a fan. And having said that, their presence on the cover of Mojo led me to give Rubber Soul another listen. OK, I’ll admit it, it’s a pretty good record. (But, everyone else already knew that, right?)

10. RIP

Two great losses. Walter Lure, the guitar player from the Heartbreakers and Justin Townes Earle passed away this month. Lure is known for LAMF and the various Heartbreakers live releases (Check out Live at the Speakeasy), and Earle for a series of post-country recordings. Both make significant losses.

And don’t forget , September 4 is Bandcamp Friday

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The State of American Democracy (Or American Democracy is in a State)

August 31, 2020 at 9:58 pm (Uncategorized)

I make the same joke every election cycle in the US: Almost 330 million people, and this is the choice? Two rich old white men with varying degrees of senility. The greatest democracy in the world? Please.

Didn’t watch much of either convention aside from the highlights, but here’s a quick take:

  • The Democrats main strategy seems to be defined by Trump, and it’s, “we’re not Trump.” Typically the liberal or left party leans to its right in an election figuring that the left will back it anyway, and therefore the right is where new votes are.  Certainly picking Joe Biden over Bernie Sanders validates that theory. Then Kamala Harris, ex-prosecutor can be pitched as an accommodation to the left. The problem for the Democrats is that if they lurch too far to the right, the anti-Trump left will see them as essentially the same as the Republicans (ooh, quiet part said loud) and sit it out.
  • The Republicans though are batshit crazy. There’s was real authoritarian cult flavour to their convention. When you have that many members of your family on stage, there’s a really Kim-esque feel to it. Given the nature of the speeches and their slavish devotion to the Great  Leader, yet strangely devoid of any humanizing touches, you really wonder what’s going to happen after the Don is done (it’ll likely make for an episode of I Claudius without any of the culture). I do wonder what drugs Kimberly Guilfoyle and Don jr were on because people should really avoid them (the drugs and the people).

It’s only going to get worse from here.

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The Rise of Black Counter-Insurgency

August 27, 2020 at 6:55 pm (Uncategorized)

New on the Internationalist Perspective website. The following is an introduction by Internationalist Perspective to an article “The Rise of Black Counter-Insurgency” by Shemon which appeared on the Ill Will website


We publish below an article by Shemon that originally appeared on the website Ill Will. It is an astute analysis of the recuperation of what it calls “the George Floyd rebellion”, which merits reflection and debate.

The movement ignited by the murder of George Floyd is not quite over, but a relative calm has returned. However, in this period, many struggles do not lead to either defeat or victory, but don’t go away entirely. The flames die down, but the embers keep smoldering. And the fuel for the fire keeps building.

At this moment, a lot of attention and energy is being sucked away by the US elections, which offer us the choice between Trump’s naked iron fist and Biden’s iron fist in a velvet glove. The first uses the movement to evoke a specter of chaos and ruin, even provoking battles to underscore its point as in Portland, and being helped by police departments of some large cities which seem to have decided to let more criminal activity (especially gang killings) occur. The second sucks up to the movement and makes promises which he neither can nor wants to keep.

Of course, the election spectacle is not the only reason why the movement lost strength. What was its strength? Most impressive was the speed with which this struggle against police repression (a pillar of capitalist society) spread all over the US and indeed the world, the vast scale of the movement, its multiracial solidarity, the determination it showed in confronting the police and other guardians of the capitalist order, its willingness to break the law and defy the authorities, whether Republican or Democrat. But then what? What’s the next step? It’s one thing to protest against injustice, racism, and repression, it’s quite another to imagine a world in which their cause is eradicated. It is still difficult to imagine a world which is not capitalist. So the next step isn’t clear. As a result, as Shemon puts it, “protests have gone into a zombie-like phase of endless marches”, without target or purpose. The next step could be to go massively to the work places to get our sisters and brothers in the factories, offices, schools, services and so on to join a struggle which is about more than racial injustice. It must become a general refusal of capitalism’s doomsday course. The work places are capitalism’s weakest point because of its dependency on the exploitation of labor. No surplus value, no profit. In the streets, the state will ultimately always have the upper hand. Militarily it will always be stronger, until it itself begins to fall apart. Conversely the work places is where the collective worker has the upper hand. Potentially.

So for the movement to strengthen further, linking with the proletariat in the work places was a necessary step, and one that implies a broader agenda than Black Lives Matter. But despite the fact that during this time numerous wildcat strikes occurred (most because of low wages and lack of covid-protection), this step was not taken.

We’re not there yet.

The absence of a proletarian answer to the ‘what’s next?’ question created room for the answer that reformism proposes, which is not to oppose capitalism but to improve it, to march and vote and sign petitions to force Congress to adopt better laws and so on. As we argued before, this is both futile (given its systemic crisis, the plagues of capitalism will only worsen) and deeply misleading.

Shemon blames the middle class for shifting the movement’s goal “from revolutionary abolition to reformist abolition”.  “A counter-insurgency campaign has fundamentally altered the course of the movement.”, he writes. He blames the black middle class in particular. Although he uses the term ‘middle class’ numerous times, he never defines it. He assumes that it is well-known what it means. In fact it is a sociological term,  based not on social function but on income. ‘Middle class’, then, encompasses all those who are neither rich or poor, and is further divided in an ‘upper middle class’ and a ‘lower middle class’.  Some calculate that 80% of the US population  is middle class. From a Marxist point of view, this is not a useful term. It encompasses both workers (the better paid segment) as  well as (small) capitalists. In reality, capitalism tends to reduce the class composition of society to only two classes, melting the peasant class, to which until relatively recently the vast majority of humanity belonged, to an increasingly marginal size. There is the capitalist class, including not only the owners of capital but also its managers, of the state as well as of the economy, thus also the police and politicians. Opposed to it, there is the proletariat, or, to use a term which does not express its misery but its potential power, the collective worker, which comprises the vast majority of the world population. What exists between those two classes is not a class, but social layers with diverging interests: family-farmers and other independent producers, shop-keepers, food vendors and so on. These layers are not the enemy of the proletariat and should not be treated as such. They may aspire to obtain wealth and status by becoming capitalists, but at the same time they see they’re being crushed by capitalism. They can become allies in the struggle for liberation.

Shemon draws a sharp distinction between what happened in the daytime and at night during the heydays of the movement in late May. The demonstrations during the day were more massive, more white, more “middle class” according to Shemon, less confrontational than those at night. After sundown, “a Black led multi-racial proletarian rebellion burned down police stations, destroyed cop cars, attacked police, redistributed goods”. For him, that was the vanguard of the movement. Instead of begging for reforms, young proletarians attacked the capitalist order heads on.

Yes, that happened. But other things happened as well.  It’s telling that in regard to the “redistribution of goods”, a.k.a. looting, Shemon mentions only (the chain store) Target and (the luxury store) Versace. He doesn’t write about the small stores and restaurants plundered and burned during these violent nights. We don’t want to inflate these incidents a la Fox News but we don’t want to shove them under the rug either. But Shemon does. Neither does he mention the looting for profit, mostly done by gangs, which are, essentially, capitalist enterprises [1] . And he does not criticize the destruction for destruction’s sake, even of useful things such as street lights, or burning bibles and other acts that serve no purpose but to divide the protesters and provide fodder for bourgeois propaganda. The nighttime actions were spontaneous and self-organized, but self-organization must imply a collective self-discipline, a proletarian consciousness reflected in the choice of targets.

Neither the daytime nor the nighttime protests were purely proletarian and neither had an answer to the ‘next step question’. Violently confronting the police is not a strategy in itself. It offers no perspective if it is not imbedded in a broader movement, as Shemon would agree. And that this movement must extend to the workplaces is also clear. The main battlefield is the mind of the collective worker.

The ‘George Floyd rebellion’, both in its daytime and nighttime manifestations, is a big step forward, but there’s a long road ahead. Yet the embers are still hot and capitalism’s crisis keeps adding fuel to what can become an even more intense proletarian firestorm, increasingly conscious of it anti-capitalist content.


August 24, 2020

[1]          . On the growth of the criminal ‘shadow economy’, read our article “Resurgence’



From May 26 to June 1, 2020, a Black led multi-racial proletarian rebellion burned down police stations, destroyed cop cars, attacked police, redistributed goods, and took revenge for the murder of countless Black and non-Black people by the police. By the first week of June, everything seemed to have changed, everyone seemed to have forgotten that any of this happened, and instead we became good protestors, we became non-violent, and we became reformists. Instead of attacking police, we endured countless marches with no point other than to continue marching. From revolutionary abolitionists, we became reformist abolitionists. What happened?

There are many easy answers, all of them incorrect. One potential answer would point to the police repression of the movement, which resulted in over 14,000 people being arrested. Another would point to the white people who joined the movement, and who brought with them all their liberal politics and strategies. Finally, the most ridiculous answer of all maintains that the militant phase of the rebellion was never a real movement of Black and non-Black proletarians to begin with, but was in fact a product of outside agitators.

In reality, something much more dangerous and sinister took place, something organic to racial capitalism, and with roots extending back to the African slave trade and the Haitian Revolution. A counter-insurgency campaign has fundamentally altered the course of the movement. While the retreat and defeat of the movement that it induced may turn out to be temporary, such campaigns present significant obstacles to further radicalization, and therefore must be addressed. This counter-insurgency campaign on the ground was spearheaded by the Black middle class, Black politicians, Black radical academics, and Black NGOs. This may come as a shock to people whose impulse is to think of Black people as a monolithic political group. This conception is false.

This was not a local phenomenon in one or two cities, but a dynamic that has taken place across the United States. A widespread rebellion demanded a widespread counter-insurgency. And while there is no doubt that behind the Black-led counter-insurgency lie billion-dollar philanthropies, universities, the state, and the white middle class, the uncomfortable truth is that a Black-led rebellion could only be crushed by a Black-led counter-insurgency program. None of this could have taken place if there were not a significant layer of Black counter-insurgents across the United States.

The rise of the Black middle class is an organic development of class stratification under racial capitalism. It is the starting point for understanding the counter-insurgency that is presently strangling the George Floyd Rebellion. The latter has its social basis in the Black middle class, who seek at most a narrow reform of the system, namely, the transformation of racial capitalism into simple capitalism.

In the long run, the Black middle class is the enemy of the Black proletariat: the unemployed, waged workers, sex workers, etc. The true partners or accomplices of the Black proletariat are the Latinx and white proletarians, Indigenous peoples of Turtle Island and the international proletariat. So far, few in this country seem to have figured this out, let alone what political and strategic implications follow from it. Although none of these problems are new, it is worth returning to them once again.

The Black Middle Class

There has always been a tension in the struggle for Black liberation over the question of the Black middle class: doctors, lawyers, professors, managers, and business owners. Not over its existence, but over its political role and behavior in the struggle against white supremacy.

In many ways, the Black middle class is no different from other middle classes. At their core, all middle class politics are electoral, legislative, and reformist. Their strategies are about respectability, the protection of private property, and ultimately about following the law. Middle classes have always felt entitled to speak for and represent their respective proletariats. They advocate for multi-racial unity amongst their class peers, at the same time as they use racial loyalty to advance their own positions under racial capitalism. All middle class analysis sees the proletariat as its threat or victim; none see the proletariat as a revolutionary class. Those few middle class people who see the proletariat as revolutionary either work to repress the latter, or else wind up joining them in struggle.

In 1931, W.E.B. Du Bois argued that so long as Jim Crow limited the Black middle class’s opportunities, the Black proletariat and the Black middle class needed to fight together against white supremacy. By the 1960’s, however, the Black Panther Party and the League of Revolutionary Black Workers were already convinced that the Black middle class and Black proletariat had parted company. With the defeat of Jim Crow in the 1960s, middle class Black people found a path to success, resulting in vast differences between themselves and their dispossessed neighbors.

The movement to defeat Jim Crow did not destroy racial capitalism or anti-Blackness; rather, while it opened up new avenues for a small handful of Black people, their victory at the same time become a devastating defeat for the masses of Black proletarians who remain stuck in their miserable conditions, with the sole difference that their workplaces and neighborhoods are now managed and policed by the ‘victorious’ Black middle class. In this respect, the Black middle class is not entirely lying when it casts itself as the culmination of the Civil Rights Movement and Black Power. These contradictions existed prior to the movements of the 1960’s, and they have never been clarified on a mass level ever since. The Black middle class has been, and remains to this day, the contradiction of the Black Liberation Movement.

The essential difference between the Black middle class and the white middle class is strategic: the Black middle class uses Black proletarian struggles to advance its own cause. Since it is not strong enough to advance its cause on its own, it leverages the fear of riots and street protests to push its own agenda. The Black middle class cannot completely dissociate itself from the militant phase of the rebellion because it needs to wield riots and violence as a potential threat over the rest of society. At the same time, the Black middle class cannot identify itself with the riot, because to do so would contradict its own desire to be integrated into the capitalist state, whose laws and order secure the existence of private property.

The result is a confused and contradictory relation marked by a triple dynamic: (i) the Black middle class strives to achieve the wealth and power of the white middle class, (ii) yet this requires it be willing to discipline the Black proletariat, (iii) with whom it nonetheless shares a sense of linked fate driven by the police’s and other white people’s inability to distinguish poor Black people from the hood from their suburban counterparts. This threefold dynamic finds expression in the general thrust of mainstream Black Lives Matter protests, whose middle class activists advocate simultaneously (i) for police to stop confusing the Black middle class with Black people from the hood, (ii) for the state to spend more money on social reproduction in the hopes of catapulting more Black people into the Black middle class, and (iii)  to create more positions for the Black middle class in universities, corporate board rooms, etc.

All of Black middle class society is poised to gain from the efforts of Black proletarians. In the coming months, the victories won from the rebellion will come in the form of the new and worthless ‘diversity’ positions, pointless academic conferences and articles, and pitiful salary bumps. For now, the current protests must maintain their parasitic relationship with the initial George Floyd Rebellion. Following the militant phase of the rebellion, protests have gone into a zombie-like phase of endless marches, often through already empty streets and highways. It is as if police stations were never sieged, smashed, and burned down. Protest after protest happens, without a meaningful reflection upon what took place that first week. Whereas 2014 introduced highway blockades to the tactical repertoire of anti-police struggle, we might have thought “burnt precincts” would be remembered as Minneapolis’ contribution. Instead, the advances made in Minneapolis are being buried under the street marches across the country, as Black leadership reinforces reactionary divisions between peaceful and good protesters.

Revolutionary versus reformist abolition

There are two kinds of abolition: revolutionary abolition and reformist abolition. Revolutionary abolition is the self-activity of the proletariat in fighting against the entire carceral logic of the state and racial capitalism. This includes burning down police stations, destroying cop cars, attacking police officers, and redistributing goods from Target and Versace. Revolutionary abolitionism stands in alliance with revolutionary anti-capitalism, since it grasps that abolition is only possible when tied to anti-capitalism, anti-statism, anti-imperialism, anti-homophobia, and anti-patriarchy. Prisons have to be abolished, but so do schools, social workers, and the army of middle-class institutions and do gooders. The expansive dynamism that it names therefore cannot stop with the police, but must extend its attack to the wall separating the so-called United States and Mexico, to detention centers, to courts, and the vast infrastructure of the carceral state and capitalism.

Revolutionary abolitionism quickly reached a boiling point during the first week of the rebellion, with a resurgence again this past week on July 25th. In the interim, revolutionary abolition was largely displaced by a reformist abolition, a current largely defined by the activity and politics of professional activists, NGOs, lawyers, and politicians, and concerned primarily with ‘defunding’, policy, and legislative shifts. This perspective continues to see politicians as the principal historical actors, in relation to whom it positions itself as a pressure group. In this way, reformist abolitionism removes proletarians from the terrain of struggle.

While it is correct to observe the gross injustice of police budgets by contrast with expenditures on health, infrastructure, school and other services, proposals to ‘defund’ amount to little more than a monetary displacement from one portion of the state to another. Moreover, even when reformist abolitionism begins to imagine abolishing the police, as is the case right now in Minneapolis, it cannot seem to grasp that the police cannot be abolished by legislation. What the reformist abolitionism fails to see is that it has always and only ever been actual or feared revolutionary wars that abolished slavery. The shortest path to dismantling police and prisons is and has always been through revolt, as we saw last year when the uprising in Haiti led to entire prisons being emptied. Insurrection forms the centerpiece of revolutionary abolition.

In light of revolutionary abolition surfacing in the country with attacks on DHS offices in Atlanta and the burning of courthouses, reformist abolition is a direct attack on these more militant means of abolition. Nowhere has this tension and relationship between reformist abolition and revolutionary abolition been more fraught than in Minneapolis. Reformists had been preparing for years in Minneapolis and the rebellion provided them with the leverage to make their move. What began as an all out assault on the forces of law and order in Minneapolis has since been transformed into a plethora of anodyne political projects. As the Black proletariat recedes, the Black professional activist comes to the front, until all is good and holy again.

NGOs and academics

Black non-governmental organizations (NGOs), including the groups in the Movement for Black Lives, have played a key role in this counterinsurgency campaign. Their social base is not the Black proletariat, but the Black middle class and – most importantly – the white bourgeoisie, through the mediation of  philanthropies. In order to co-opt the movement, the bourgeoisie is throwing money at problems generated by racial capitalism. In the NGO, they have found a willing group of people who will happily accept their dollars. Money is falling from the sky: if you are Black, middle class, and can say Black Lives Matter three times, money will magically appear in your lap. While these NGOs vary politically, they tend to have little or no background in struggle, no particular concern for movements, and ultimately no interest in overthrowing racial capitalism. They are merely a reflection of the various parasites sucking the blood from the historic struggle of Black proletarians. They solve nothing in the long run, and it is unlikely any of them will actually lead the movement, since they have no base. However, because the movement generated by the George Floyd Rebellion is new, many of its participants are still easily confused, and thus continue to display a servile willingness to follow any Black person that shows up with a megaphone. While it is inevitable that some NGO activists will once again split away from their groups and join the more radical elements in the movement, any strategic orientation that centers their potential energy is mistaken. Waiting around for the radicalization of the NGOs is like waiting around for unions to radicalize. Somehow, NGOs must eventually be kicked out of the movement.

And what of the so-called “revolutionary Black intellectuals.” Since the word “revolutionary” is meaningless in non-revolutionary times, and the restricted practice of being an “intellectual” is rendered inoperative during revolutionary times, we’re dealing with a contradiction in terms. Whereas in non-revolutionary times the activities of academic intellectuals reflect the standard capitalist division of labor between thinkers and manual workers, in insurrectional moments the division of labor tends to collapse and be rearranged, such that many proletarians suddenly find themselves engaged in forms of reading, writing, and theorizing that had previously been the exclusive task of intellectuals.

Let it be said clearly: the George Floyd Rebellion is the new criterion to which all theories and politics must be held to account. Not to tenure demands, not to academic journals, not to a community of so-called scholars, but the fire and heat of the proletarian struggle. They must answer to the demands of riots, strikes, occupations, blockades, insurrections, war, and revolution. And in this regard, it must be admitted that the results have so far been a disaster. Black Marxism, Afro-pessimism, Black Anarchism, and Black Feminism have all been put to the test in this uprising, and all have failed. These theories have had little to no meaningful impact on the Black proletariat. In certain cases, they have even enhanced their careers by lending their voice to counter-insurgent NGOs who are only too happy to pay an honorarium.

What happened to Black revolutionary theory? For over fifty years, theories have been hiding in the academy. The university has completely commodified Black radical thought, which has divorced it from Black proletarians by determining who has access to it and who is able make sense of its dense and obtuse language. The issues and questions that matter to the Black proletarian are never addressed on the terms, concepts, and traditions of the Black proletariat, but instead are discussed on the much narrower and reformist terms of the academy. No idea in the academy is accountable to the Black proletariat, against whom a tenured job offers the radical academic the ultimate insulation. This lack of accountability protects outdated and useless ideas, allowing dusty old theories that were long ago defeated in the actual class struggle to continue to live on in the academy, becoming a dead weight on the movement’s brain.

This stops now. The full force of a rebellion has cleared the debris in a manner that critique could never accomplish. Although the political consolidation of the rebellion has fallen to the Black counter-insurgents for now, the George Floyd Rebellion has allowed the next generation of Black revolutionaries from the proletariat, as well as and some renegade middle class people, to emerge and catch sight of itself. In the upcoming months and years, we must do what we can to help them unburden themselves of the false divisions of intellectual activity and revolutionary activity that have long plagued our movements.


If capitalism is ever to be abolished, if a liberatory communist future will ever see the light of day, the proletariat must emancipate itself by force from its dependency on the bourgeois social order. But before the antagonism can reach this point, another battle must also take place, in which the Black proletariat politically and materially settles its accounts with the Black middle class. This is not a new reality but one with which every revolution involving Black people has had to wrestle. So far the Black proletariat has lost every one of these struggles, resulting in a capitalism and state with a Black face.

If the Black middle class has been able to wage the counter-insurgency so effectively, this is in part due to the fact that it has captured key parts of the state. Lori Lightfoot in Chicago, Keisha Lance Bottoms in Atlanta, Chokwe Antar Lumumba in Jackson, and Bernard Young in Baltimore offer just a few examples of an aspirational managerial tier that is conscious of its class interests in a manner that the Black proletariat has yet to figure out. They attend the best schools in the country, allowing them to mobilize the kind of cynical arguments that are needed to articulate a reformist and counter insurgent program.

The middle classes have their universities, elections, corporations, and other institutions to develop their version of the rainbow coalition. The proletariat is left outside of the process.

The Black proletariat can lead and spark the struggle, but will win no decisive battles without accomplices in the white and Latinx proletariat, and Indigenous nations. As it cleaned out as many stores as it could, the Black proletariat fought together with other proletarians. For one week, an organic alliance was built, as different oppressed groups rained fire on police and redistributed goods across Turtle Island.

However, these organic alliances do not automatically lead to more permanent alliances. The gigantic eruptions of solidarity in riots and uprisings tend to quickly retreat back into antagonistic relations amongst proletarians soon after. After all, sharing a moment of combat is not the same as forging long-term trust and solidarity. What is more real, one week of shared unity or a life-time of proletarian conflict with one another?

The Black proletariat faces job competition, housing competition, and the struggle for other scarce resources against other proletarians. The respective middle classes promise to secure these goodies as long as Black proletarians continue to vote for Black politicians, Latinx proletarians vote for Latinx politicians, and so on. Although this logic is a dead end for proletarian multi-racial solidarity, it serves short term aims that are often difficult to ignore for dispossessed folks. In this way, the fragile unity forged in moments of revolt are dissolved back into the separated social relationships of everyday life. Proletarians occasionally build solidarity with each other on a daily level, but on the whole they lack the mechanisms or institutions in racial capitalism to develop this unity. This is why attacks on the infrastructure of capitalism are so key and why new spaces of social reproduction are vital.

Nonetheless, our wager must be that the uprising has changed the proletariat. We have to believe that in the possibility that everyday relations are also beginning to change. This is a guess, and must be tested in battle.

Ultimately, some kind of larger process of crisis–war, economic crisis, pandemics, ecological collapse–will be required to force a strategic unity between the different racialized groups of proletarians. Without fetishizing organizations, some organizational forms will be needed to crystalize and concentrate this alliance. The proletariat will have to develop its own class-race-gender interests against the Black and white middle class simultaneously through action, organization, and program.

Since the 2007/2008 economic crisis the entire world has entered a period of mass struggle. It has been uneven, Greece one moment, the Arab Spring the next, Marikana another, or Haiti, with respective counter-revolutions or counter-insurgency as part of the process. The George Floyd Rebellion is part of this ongoing process to deal with the massive inequality, police violence, and other forms of oppression. I have emphasized defeat-retreat in the current moment, because that is what we immediately face. But in the near future, the movement will attack once again, because there will be no other choice. Defeat is temporary, struggle is permanent.


While I did not cite any references, the following works informed my argument and analysis:

  • Bitterly Divided by David Williams
  • Force and Freedom by Kellie Carter Jackson
  • The Black Jacobins by  C.L.R. James
  • How Europe Underdeveloped Africa by Walter Rodney
  • Black Reconstruction by W.E.B. Du Bois
  • The Revolution Will not be Funded by INCITE
  • Black Awakening in Capitalist America by Robert L. Allen
  • Black Marxism by Cedric Robinson
  • Top Down by Karen Ferguson
  • The Negro and Communism by W.E.B. Du Bois

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Spart Watch.

August 21, 2020 at 7:09 pm (Uncategorized)

A friend of mine who follows this more closely than I do recently pointed out the Trotskyists of the International Communist League hadn’t updated their website since May 29. (I know the IP site is a bit slow, but then again we’re not the “vanguard of the working class” either) .

On August 18 they posted, in tiny letters, “Until further notice, Workers Vanguard will have an irregular schedule.”

If I were a Spart watcher I’d surely be wondering what’s going on there. But I’m not.

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Links, New Articles and a Return

August 18, 2020 at 4:53 pm (Uncategorized)

Been quiet for the last month or so, but will be writing and posting more in the near future. (I hope)

Ontario has had fairly low rates of Covid compared to the neighbours just south of us, but that seems likely to change in a few weeks times when school reopens on September 8. Going to be a shitshow, but I’ll have more to say about that shortly.

Just gone through the blogroll on the site; purged a few dead accounts and added a couple of new ones (there’s some really interesting stuff on the Ill Will site).

Lastly, Internationalist Perspective has a new piece on the site called Resurgence. It’s too long to post here, but is well worth a read as an analysis of current conditions



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Music Notes: July 2020

July 31, 2020 at 7:18 pm (Uncategorized)

Half way through summer. 

1 Upside Down: The Creation Records Story

The Creation Records story didn’t quite begin with the Jesus and Mary Chain, but it more or less ended with Oasis (technically Primal Scream was the last release) . Nice little documentary about the label.

2 Arlo Parks – “Black Dog”

Heard this for the first time the other way. What an amazing track about depression. Stunning.

3 The Stooges – Fun House

A few years ago, considered opinion was that Raw Power was the one. Now it seems it’s swung in favour of Fun House. It’ll either make your day or destroy it.

4 Taylor Swift – Folklore

Well, Pitchfork gave it an 8. Still not for me though.

5 Prodigy – Their Law: The Singles 1990 – 2005

Crank it real loud and cast your mind back to that first rave you attended.

6 Sugar – Copper Blue

Bob Mold’s pop record. Released almost three decades ago, it still holds up (released on Creation in the UK)

7. Marianne and Leonard: Words of Love

The funny thing is the first part of this interesting documentary about Leonard Cohen and his “muse” Marianne Ihlen is the counterculture life they led on the Greek island of Hydra looks pretty cool; but the second part also covers the fall out of broken relationships and broken people (including Marianne’s own son Axel who has spend much of his life institutionalized) , and then it doesn’t look so cool. Still, if you’re a fan of Cohen, you’ll want to see this.

9 Denise Johnson

A significant loss. Johnson worked with Primal Scream, New Order, A Certain Ratio and many more. Her early death this week, at 56, is tragic.

10 White Riot

I remember Rock Against Racism. THe outrage of Bowie and Clapton (who never really apologized) The tension in the last years before Thatcher. The rise of the openly racist National Front. And then, the response. A great moment, a great movement, and a great documentary with a fantastic soundtrack . A lot of the Clash bits are culled from Rude Boy, but so what? Well worth seeing.


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Missed Shows

July 22, 2020 at 5:16 pm (Uncategorized)

I love music. It’s been an important part of my life as far back as I can remember. And while music is certainly still available today, live music has taken a pounding. I was still buying tickets for shows earlier this year, only to watch show after show fall victim to cancellation and postponement.

I’ve seen a lot of great bands over the years: The Clash, the Ramones, Nirvana, Nick Cave, Neil Young, Wilco, Motorhead, , Iggy Pop, Luna, the Cramps, and hundreds more. I saw Gang of Four and the Rezillos long after their prime, but they were still great shows.

Still, there’s been some I’ve missed, and sadly that opportunity has passed me by. Here are a few, I wish I’d seen:

The Undertones

I think the first Undertones song I heard was “Teenage Kicks,” but the first single I bought was “Get over You.” Almost the perfect pop band.

Joy Division

Joy Division were another band I discovered after thre fact. When I read Ian Curtis had died, I’d probably heard “Transmission” and “Atmosphere,” but not much else. I became a big Joy Division fan later. A friend of mine told me she had a ticket to their never performed Toronto show.

The New York Dolls

I was really too young to have seen them. I was 11 when they finally split up (I’m not counting the reformed Dolls at all). The Dolls were one of those bands I worked backwards to get to. (I even bought their second album first). I did see Johnny Thunders the year he died. Wasn’t a great experience.


Just because. I remember being in Records of Wheels in St. Catharines in the mid-eighties. I’d gone to buy a Lords of the New Church album, but the first Suicide album caught my eye. I asked the person who was working there, and they assured me Suicide were much better. Never did buy that LOTNC record, but still have that Suicide one. From reports I’ve read and the audio for the infamous Elvis Costello show, it would have been pretty wild.

Lou Reed / the Velvet Underground

Probably my biggest regret. Obviously I was too young to have seen the Velvets back in the day. I did have tickets for Lou Reed giving a reading of his work along with Jim Carroll at the Danforth Music Hall in the mid-eighties. Unfortunately, I wasn’t able to get to the show. Of the four Velvets, I saw Maureen Tucker along with Half Japanese, and it was a pretty great show.

Black Flag

In all honest, I’d probably have been too chicken to see Black Flag in their heyday. (Plus I wasn’t really a big hardcore fan – Damaged is quite amazing though.) Seen Rollins do his spoken work a couple of times, and have seen the Rollins Band maybe three times live.


Another one I was too young to see.

Talking Heads

This one might sound a little like rock snobbery. I only regret not seeing the early band, up to say, Fear of Music. After that, I didn’t follow the band.

Uncle Tupelo

I discovered Uncle Tupelo with their final album Anodyne. Then they broke up. I’ve seen Wilco and Son Volt several times each, so I have a sense of how it might have been

The Jam

Still have those early Jam singles, but I don’t know they ever played Oxford when I lived near there in the 70s. Did see Weller solo a couple of times, but it’s not the same.

I’m watching a lot of online concerts these days, btu it just isn’t the same. I really look forward to the day when we’ll not be too afraid to go see bands again.



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John Throne

July 20, 2020 at 9:47 pm (Uncategorized)

I’ve been actively engaged in politics for over 35 years. Along that road, you run into a lot of people: Some people become lifelong friends and comrades, and some you lose touch with.

Last week, I spent some time googling old comrades and discovered that John Throne had died in September of 2019. Throne was the first member of the Militant tendency in Ireland, and the man who brought me into revolutionary politics.

I was living in Hamilton, Ontario in the mid-1980s. One day in February 1986, I arrived home from school to discover a copy of the British newspaper Militant in my mailbox. (I later learned that a friend in the NDP has given them my name). I don’t recall exactly how we met, but a few weeks later, I was having coffee with John Throne. When I met him, he was going by a pseudonym, and that was the name I always knew him by. At that time he was living in the US and was part of a group of Militant supporters known as Labor Militant.  But after our conversation, I was invited to future events and in April, I went to a Militant conference in Boston and joined the group. I was the first official member in Canada.

At the time I was very impressed with John. He had been a founding member of Militant in Ireland and was part of the Committee for a Workers’ International’s leadership. I saw John a few more times that year in the states, but can’t remember if he came up to Canada when Militant leader Ted Grant came to visit us.

Things went smoothly enough until January of 1987. I had a drunken conversation /argument with a comrade in Toronto about Militant’s politics. I expressed a few reservations about some points or others (I can’t even remember what they were now), but didn’t think it was anything too serious. A few days later, I got a phone call from a Toronto member informing  me that at the next local meeting I would be expected to given a presentation entitled “My Differences with the Tendency.”  Needless to say I never went to the meeting, quitting a few days later. John called me to request that I didn’t do anything hasty and we would talk later. I didn’t wait. I joined the Mandelite Alliance for Socialist Action. When I saw John at an NDP  convention a few months later, and he was pretty angry with me. But that was that.

I didn’t see him again for for 12 years. In 1999, I travelled to Youngstown, Ohio for a Solidarity Unionism conference sponsored/organized by Staughton Lynd. By this time, I had finished my association with Trotskyism and was publishing Red & Black Notes.  I ran into John, but he was no longer part of Labor Militant, having parted ways three years earlier. We had moved so far apart politically that there was no longer any reason to be annoyed with each other. I last saw him in Chicago a few years later when I was visiting family. He was working as a mover and part of a group of ex-Militant supporters and I was still publishing Red & Black Notes. We had lunch and a pleasant afternoon.

After I learned of his death, I read the few obits scattered online, and found out he had written two books, the Donegal Woman based on the life of his grandmother and We’ll Take a Cup of Kindness Yet, a memoir. Both received positive reviews and seem well worth reading.

My politics are even further away from John’s today. I don’t see any of the shards of Militant offering a real solution, but he did hate capitalism, and that’s no small thing today.



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